Central Asian Problems of Modern Science and Education

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In this article one the Islamic custom – foundation and its traditions were mentioned. In addition to these, there stated the significance of waqf‘s values during Soviet Union

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[1]. Sheila Fitzpatrick, ―Cultural Revolution in Russia 1928–1932,‖ Journal of Contemporary History 9:1 (Jan. 1974), pp. 33–52. [2]. Numerous historians have worked on the hujum campaign, with an interesting focus on gender-related issues: Douglas Northrop, Veiled Empire: Gender and Power in Stalinist Central Asia (Ithaca: Cornell UP, 2004); [3]. It is to 1927 that we need to look to find, in Central Asia, an attack on Islamic practices, beliefs, and institutions as ruthless as, in Russia, the 1922 [4]. The estimate is in: N. Pianciola and P. Sartori, ―Waqf in Turkestan: The Colonial Legacy and the Fate of an Islamic Institution in Early Soviet Central Asia, 1917– 1924,‖ Central Asian Survey 26:4 (2007), pp. 475–498, here p. 494 note 7. [5]. For a clear survey: A. Khalid, Islam after Communism: Religion and Politics in Central Asia (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007), esp. pp. 69–71. [6]. The adjectives ―religious‖ and ―cultural‖ apply, in Soviet laws and decrees, to both the waqf as an institution and to the holdings from which the institution derived its income. For instance, the expression ―religious waqf‖ can mean either the endowment of land etc. to a mosque, or the land endowed to the mosque itself. [7]. Keller, To Moscow, not Mecca; P. Reichmuth, ―‗Lost in the Revolution‘: Bukharan waqf and Testimony Documents from the Early Soviet Period,‖ Die Welt des Islams 50:3–4 (2010), pp. 262–297; Pianciola and Sartori, ―Waqf in Turkestan.‖ [8]. Still less is a focus on Soviet and Party institutions enough to apprehend Islamic history: D.DeWeese, ―Islam and the Legacy of Sovietology: A Review Essay of 207 Yaacov Ro‘i‘s Islam in the Soviet Union,‖ Journal of Islamic Studies 13:3 (2002), pp. 298–330. [9]. It was in Andijan and Namangan that, especially in Spring 1924, ―spontaneous seizures‖ had anticipated the 1925 land-and-water reform: on those occasions, the attitude of provincial Party organs had remained ambiguous. After the reform, in 1928–1929, one district in the Andijan province, Assaka, will be singled out for the first ―experiment‖ in wholesale land organization and collectivization. See: Ispolbiuro Fergana obkom KPT [before 1.4.1924], Uzbek party archive, f. 60, op. 1, d. 3801, ll. 83–85, published in: R. Kh. Aminova & T. Dzhuraev, eds., Sotsialisticheskoe pereustroistvo sel‘skogo khoziaistva v Uzbekistane (1917–1926 gg.) (Tashkent, Izdatel‘stvo AN UzSSR, 1962), doc. 114, pp. 222–223; An. Anishev, Puti sotsialisticheskogo pereustroistva khlopkovodcheskogo khoziaistva (M.: Iz-vo Kommunisticheskoi Akademii, 1930). [10]. Sheila Fitzpatrick, ―Revisionism in Soviet History,‖ History and Theory 46:4 (2007), pp. 77–91. [11]. Yet, the tide seems to be turning, at least as far as the post-Stalinist period is concerned. I refer here to anthropological or anthropological-historical studies of Central Asian rural society, such as: Tommaso Trevisani, Land and Power in Khorezm: Farmers, Communities, and the State in Uzbekistan‘s Decollectivization (Berlin, Lit Verlag, 2010), esp. pp. 57–95. Seealso, for the emphasis on career opportunities and ―positive biographies‖: Sergei Abashin, ―‗Ideal‘nyi kolkhoz‘ v sovetskoi Srednei Azii: istoriia neudachi ili uspekha,‖ Acta Slavica Iaponica 29 (2011), pp. 1–26. [12]. A. Haugen, The Establishment of National Republics in Soviet Central Asia (Basingstoke: Palgrave-MacMillan, 2003)

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